ドラマもやってましたよね~この本。
私はこういうの好きなんですよね。
主人公の女の人がカッコイイですよね。
ニュースキャスターに頑張ってのしあがってきた。
私の憧れてた女像です。
ぜひお勧めしたいですね。
とくにドラマを知っている方は
もっと面白く読めるんじゃないでしょうか？
私的な感想から書かせて戴ければ、かなり良くできた素晴らしいゲームだと思います。
今までの恋愛シュミレーションのように最終ステージへ向けた「エンディングへの目的」を主としたゲームではないので、どちらかと言えば「どうぶつの森」や「どこでもいっしょ」のような感じのゲームです。
日々何気ないこと（ある意味作業）をゲーム中の制約もかなり感じながら淡々とした毎日をこなすことができない人には一切向かないと思います。
彼女ができると言ってもゲームですから、色々と機能的な限界はあります。
メールも文章が送れるわけでもなく返事も同じものが繰り返される。音声認識を利用した会話もほとんど意思の疎通ができず、「可愛いョ」と声をかけても「そう・・なんだか寂しいな・・」と返される。会話のバリエーションも極めて少ない。
それでも、それらの中に"彼女"を見出して想像力を膨らまし「脳内補完」で、現実では無い別の世界、たぶん自分の心の中に彼女達が実際に居るようなイメージを持てる人なのであれば、きっと楽しんで戴けることでしょう。
特に、恋愛のレベルが上がる毎に親密になってくるように感じるセリフ類には感情移入しない訳にはいかないマジックが潜んいて、ドキッとしていまうこともあります。
これはゲームと現実の狭間にハマり込んでしまう人が居るのも納得できます（笑）
ただ「彼女・彼氏だったらこんなことするよね？」という内容を薄く広く扱った内容のため、全体として随所平均に物足りなさを感じてしまったのは私だけでしょうか？
コナミさんにお願いすることができるなら、追加拡張パックの発売を切に希望します。それもキャラクター別に。
友達モードの廃止（データは引き継ぎ)、音声会話のセリフバリエーションの拡充・音声認識の強化、呼び出し時の会話やモーションのバリエを増やす、メール内容の拡充もしくはシステム変更など、彼女達との ≪これから先の１年間≫ を充実して過ごすことができるソフトを出して戴ければ・・・・。
あ、年齢は増えることなく、サ☆エさん方式でお願いします（笑）
たぶんこのゲームに楽しんでハマっている人にとって各キャラクターは「己の彼女」なのであって、アイドルや位置付が確定しているような既存のアニメ・ゲームのキャラクターではないという点、つまりユーザーの心に 『己だけの彼女に対する独占欲』 が芽生えていることを念頭一番に置いて新しいソフトや商品の開発をしていけば、人気は暫く衰えることはないでしょう。（そういった点ではアーケード版は個人的に許せないのです）
ともあれ、ゲームに攻略やストーリーを求めない人で、ＶＲ彼女が欲しいなあ・・という方は手にとってみて良い作品だと思います。
当方そこまで音ゲーが得意ではないですがＤＳ版やＰＳＰ版などの
過去作からずっと楽しませて貰っています。
今回３ＤＳで発売されましたが体験版で遊んでみて、変わらず楽しかったので
購入にいたりました。
音質の向上にまず驚きました。音楽すごくクリアで鮮明で綺麗です！！
ＤＳ版と比較すると尚更です。正直３ＤＳで発売する意味あるの？って思ってる方も
いらっしゃると思いますが・・・あ、り、ま、す！！！
そんな方には是非店頭での体験版で音質の向上を体感して欲しいです。
グラフィックにはそこまで重きを置いてませんが綺麗に越した事はないですね。
どんちゃんや相棒キャラクターが立体視出来て可愛いです◎
肝心のゲーム内容については安定して楽しいと言えます。
操作性に関しては個人の好みの問題もありますが私はボタン操作中心でやってますが
今のところ大丈夫です（鬼モードだとボタンの位置を考えるとしんどいと思います）
子供さんや、ビギナーさんがやる分には差し支えないです。
ボタン操作が苦手な方は付属のバチペンでやるのが良いかと思います。
ＤＳ版でのストーリーモードが凄く楽しかったので今回もとても期待していました。
ＲＰＧの様に敵を倒していく＝音ゲーをクリアする事が上手く合っていますし
ストーリーを進めていく度に新しい曲が出てくるので、演奏ゲーム・ストーリーモード
共にだれる事なく楽しめます。
ストーリーモードでは性質上、最後まで演奏出来ませんがフリーの演奏ゲームのモードに
追加されているのであとでじっくり遊べます◎
難易度も優しい、ふつう、難しいと三段階であるのでどんな人でも楽しめますし
極めようと思えば鬼モードの様な鬼畜なモードもあるのでやり込み要素もあります。
ＤＳ版と同じくクエストの様のモノもあるので楽しみながらやり込めるので良いですね！
As he has in earlier books, the author (TT) shows an outspoken concern about the rise of inequality in Japan. Here, his particular focus is on how inequality affects Japanese women. There's no doubt that TT is more sympathetic to the problems facing women in Japanese society than are most other Japanese men of his generation, born during the 1940s. Unfortunately, he combines this with Chicago School economics and some other disconcerting myopias, with the frequent result that his recommendations for change either don't go far enough or are slightly bizarre. Some of his logical inferences also are weak or flawed.
The book's main strength is its wealth of econometric and survey information about the social situation and attitudes of Japanese women, through the early years of the 21st century. TT also explains a number of relevant private and public policies, such as the managerial/clerical dual-track career system for women (but not men) in large corporations, and the current tax and social security incentives for married women severely to limit their number of working hours and pay. It's not easy to find such good explanations of these institutions in English.
TT is often direct about offering his own opinions. The high point of TT's advocacy is in Chapter 8, comparing regular vs. nonregular employment in Japan. He's quite critical of the precariousness of the situation facing nonregular employees, and even the unreasonable working-hour expectations facing male regular employees. (The perceived unfairness of the situation of nonregular employees -- albeit especially male ones -- played a big role in the rejection of the LDP in the 2009 election, subsequent to the 2008 Japanese publication of this book.)
Characteristically, though, TT's recommendations fall either short or flat. After detailing how nonregular employees face unjustifiable gaps both in wages and in social protection, he concludes by calling for legislation "to make the hourly wage the same for full-time and part-time workers who are performing the same work" -- without saying anything about equalizing social protection benefits (@264). Concerning the two-track system, he describes how it was corporations' response to equal opportunity legislation, and to rising education levels among women; then he states "If these two reasons exist today, there is no need to consider abolishing the system" (@210). Never does he question whether the corporations' response to these social changes was *reasonable in the first place* (a negative answer to which might indeed argue in favor of scrapping the 2-track system). The notion of modifying or eliminating the social security and tax incentives that push married women into insecure part-time work is never even mentioned (though the elimination of these incentives was to become a campaign promise, as yet unfulfilled, of the DPJ in 2009).
The book's low point is Chapter 5, entitled "Children and a Woman's Life". TT invokes Chicago economist Gary Becker's analysis of why people have children, all of which involve increasing the parents' "utility" (@143ff). Matters don't improve when TT considers "what percentage of a child is private property and what percentage is public assets" -- the latter in the sense of "[b]ridges and roads" (@165). And they hit rock bottom with TT's two proposals for raising the birthrate in Japan: discouraging abortions and encouraging out-of-wedlock births (@163ff).
The issue of children highlights the striking contrast between TT's point of view and that of Europeans such as Gosta Esping-Andersen, especially in the latter's " Trois lecons sur l'Etat-providence " (Seuil 2006; expanded in English as "The Unfinished Revolution," Polity 2009). Esping-Andersen makes a convincing argument that universally available child daycare is central to attacking the problems of women's and children's poverty, of education, and of aging society -- especially for increasing the birth-rate. (For Esping-Andersen, children are a "positive collective good," not a "public asset.") But TT mentions child daycare only briefly and in passing, and entirely ignores the issues of poverty and aging. These omissions are especially surprising, since, among other reasons, in Japan (i) women often are expected to quit their jobs in order to provide home-care for seniors in their or their husband's family, and (ii) a disproportionate number of the elderly poor are widows -- to say nothing of the fact that the aging of Japan has been a national preoccupation for more than a decade. Of course Esping-Andersen is absent from the list of references, which, aside from Gary Becker's 1981 book on the family, is devoid of any other non-Japanese source, as well.
The book contains many residues of what might be called the "conventional sexism" of TT's generation. The most grating of these is TT's tendency to call women who have attended the most elite universities "ultra-educated" (@81ff). Men who have attended the same universities are called "highly educated" (@84), whereas "highly educated" women are those who've attended "non-elite" 4-year universities (@id.). The connotation here is that women who graduate from University of Tokyo and similar schools have somehow gone "beyond" where they ought to go, while it's more natural for men to go to these schools. Similarly, women are underrepresented in the transport industry because "driving vehicles" is "natural[ly]" a "male domain" (@16). Women's educational choices are also blamed: because of their comparative strength in reading and the humanities,they "do not focus so strongly on courses that will come in handy in company work" (@26, 73-74). TT never pauses to ask who decides what will come in "handy" (namely, men); he might have considered such examples as Siegmund Warburg, whose highly successful mid-20th Century investment bank preferentially hired candidates who had read in Classics (Latin and Greek) at top universities, and avoided hiring those with an economics background (see, e.g., Ron Chernow's "The Warburgs").
Unfortunately, the book is also marred by some faulty inferences from data. The most serious of these are in Chapter 8, in TT's analysis of Table 8-2, entitled women's educational attainment by employment type. For example, the table shows that junior college graduates make up 25.4% of female hired dispatched workers and 30.3% of female registered dispatched workers; TT concludes that "female junior college graduates are mainly engaged in dispatched work" (@237). In doing so, he ignores a previous table (8-1) that shows the relative proportions of women working within each employment category. According to that table, only 3.4% of all working women are engaged in any type of dispatched work, whereas 44.4% of all women have permanent jobs and 42.5% work part-time. If you combine the data in Tables 8-1 and 8-2, you discover that over 50% of junior college graduates have regular employment, another 30% or so work part-time, and only 4.5-5.0% of them engage in dispatched work. Similarly, although it's true when TT says "the higher a woman's educational level, the more likely she is to be engaged in dispatched work" (@238), this is a bit misleading: only about 5% of university grads engage in dispatched work, while more than 10x as many have regular employment, and another 25% or so work part-time. (TT's error should have been pretty easy to spot: if you look at Table 8-2, you'll see that most of the columns representing the different educational levels total up to > 100%; TT was drawing inferences as if they totaled to unity.)
Another non sequitur: 40% of wives indicate that would not mind being single their whole lives, while 90% of single women want to marry; "comparing" these data yields "quite a strong affirmation of the single life" (@121). And concerning survey data in which roughly 50% of both *never-married* women and *never-married* men say they expect the wife to resign when she has children and then to return to work after the kids are grown up, he remarks, "We can thus assess this life path to be a desirable one that increases the couple's level of happiness" (@160-162) -- even though he doesn't present any data from actual married couples who have attempted this path.
While I haven't compared the book to the Japanese original, from an English reader's perspective the translation by Mary Foster is outstanding: it flows as if the book were originally written in English and for the most part avoids any stilted, academic sound. The hardcover is also very nicely produced, printed on high-quality paper. The index, however, could be better: for example, if you're looking for references to the tax and social security incentives I mentioned above, it won't help you at all to find them. In summary, this is a useful book to read on the topics of inequality and women's issues in Japan -- maybe even indispensable if you lack reading fluency in academic Japanese -- but prepare to feel frustrated often by the author's point of view.
マット・スカダーシリーズの２作目。
第１作の「過去からの弔鐘」と、この第２作「冬を怖れた女」が１９７６年発表。翌１９７７年に３作目の「一ドル銀貨の遺言」。
この三作が続けて発表されている。これを、スカダーシリーズの前期三部作と呼ぶ。（勝手に）
４年後の傑作である第４作「暗闇にひと突き」以降にくらべれば、どれも小粒であるとは言えるが、
スカダー誕生の瞬間に立ち会っているというスリルは味わえる。
マット・スカダーシリーズという希有のミステリの一部として、文句なく☆５
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